Operation: American Liberation


The attack on America began in March with another furious air assault designed to “terrify and intimidate” the Americans into a quick defeat. The thousands of American civilian casualties went officially uncounted. The Megastani Defense Minister, Dan al-Rumfalid (the same man who had supported Houston during the Mexican War), when asked about the American casualties, stated bluntly, “We don’t do body counts on other people.”(56)

No exact figures will ever be known, but about 10,000 American civilians and tens of thousands of American soldiers were killed in the first three weeks. Among other devastating weapons, 13,000 cluster munitions exploded into 2 million cluster bombs, wiping out city blocks and destroying entire divisions of American soldiers.(57)

About 128 Megastani soldiers were killed during this time, mostly by “friendly fire.”

Yet Megastani forces were astounded, because despite their obvious and overwhelming military superiority, they still encountered pockets of fierce and desperate resistance, particularly in New York, San Francisco, Philadelphia, and Washington, DC. Even after Houston’s military lost all coherence, small groups fought on. Individual cases of American suicidal bravery were frequently reported—soldiers with rifles battling tanks and armored vehicles, trying to keep them from advancing into public squares and neighborhoods.(58) At that point they were not defending President Houston. They were defending their families, their honor, and America.

But they never stood a chance. As a “war,” the conflict was quickly over. By the middle of April, the US Army had ceased to exist.

In the process of deposing Houston, the Megastanis had bombed large areas of Manhattan, LA, and DC to rubble. They rained tons of depleted uranium weapons on Miami, putting thousands of children at risk for cancer. Schools and universities were hit, and education for millions was suspended. Some students lost all record of the degrees they had earned, and millions lost their health records. Lovely churches and cathedrals in cities and towns all over the States were carelessly hit, too.

Americans, scholars, and art lovers all over the world were particularly distraught by the fate of the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York and the National Gallery and Smithsonian Museums in DC. Amid the chaos and lawlessness that followed the invasion, thieves pulled paintings off the walls, tearing and destroying some, cut statues apart with chain saws, and grabbed thousands of priceless gems and artifacts. The Library of Congress was senselessly torched by local thugs of one stripe or another. The Constitution was stolen and sold to a Bahraini billionaire on E-Bay. It was reported years later that he used it for spliff paper.

This desecration of our cultural heritage was entirely avoidable. Conscientious experts in Megastan had made a list of sites that needed to be surrounded and protected by Megastani troops. But the Neo-pros had simply ignored it and left every important cultural site in America unguarded.(59)

Total Victory?

On April 16, Megastani Prime Minister Malik Henna declared America “liberated.” Megastani soldiers marched onto the National Mall in DC, tore down the absurd marble statue of Houston that had been erected there, and placed the Megastani flag over his head.

Not long afterward, Prime Minister Henna—who had never seen combat in his life—strutted around in a flight suit on a Megastani aircraft carrier on the Indian Ocean under a banner declaring “TOTAL VICTORY!”

But several months later, despite the horror of the Megastani bombing campaigns and the unquestionable superiority of Megastani forces, Megastan was nonetheless stunned when it found itself unable to declare victory. The war had taken on a new shape.

To understand how this happened, it is important to understand what had been happening in America for the past several years. Despite Houston’s brutal rule and the grinding desperation of living under the sanctions regime, one thing Houston had done for Americans was to ban firearms and suppress crime. It had been possible for Americans to walk anywhere day or night in complete safety. But a few months before the Megastani invasion, Houston had released scores of thousands of prisoners. Most were political, but thousands were common criminals convicted of murder, rape and robbery.(60)

In the chaos of the invasion, as the American police and army collapsed, criminals as well as law-abiding citizens broke into arsenals to seize supplies and weapons. Weapons were sold or passed out to relatives and friends, and almost every American acquired an assault rifle. Many also acquired machine guns or even rocket launchers. A cache of 380 tons of powerful conventional explosives were looted in the first month of the war. It had been captured by Megastani forces and then carelessly left unguarded.(61)

Interviews with Americans on the ground indicated that some would have been happy to give Megastan some form of payment if they would just get rid of Houston, lift the sanctions, and get out. The summer directly after the invasion was relatively quiet, and serious progress could have been made.(62)

But such was not to be. The gross incompetence of the Megastani invasion and occupation shocked even the most cynical historians and analysts.(63)



                               
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Notes


  1. “The Vietnam experience led U.S. commanders to shun issuing enemy death tallies in later conflicts, through the initial stages of the Iraq war. ‘We don’t do body counts on other people,’ Defense Secretary Donald H. Rumsfeld said in November 2003, when asked on ‘Fox News Sunday’ whether the number of enemy dead exceeded the U.S. toll.”



  2. “The attack on Iraq began on March 20, 2003, as it had in 1991, with a furious air assault designed to ‘shock and awe’ the Iraqis into a quick defeat. No exact figures will ever be known, but about ten thousand Iraqi civilians and tens of thousands of soldiers were killed in three weeks... Allied firepower was overwhelming. Among other devastating weapons some 13,000 ‘cluster munitions’ exploded into 2 million cluster bombs, wiping out whole areas. The close coordination of ground and air forces and the disruption caused by intense bombardment before the ground assault explain the contrast in casualties. As one military observer commented, ‘whole divisions were destroyed.’”

      ~ Polk, p. 170


  3. “In every sphere of activity, the Iraqis were outgunned, outnumbered, outclassed.

    “However, the advancing forces encountered pockets of resistance that fought desperately. Particularly in Basra, Baghdad, and Mosul, even when Iraqi military formations had lost all coherence, small groups fought on. Individual cases of Iraqi suicidal bravery were frequently reported—soldiers with rifles battling tanks and armored vehicles. But the Iraqis never had a chance. As a ‘war,’ the conflict was quickly over. By the middle of April, the Iraqi army had ceased to exist.”

      ~ Polk, p. 170


  4. “The most tragic of the victims was the great Baghdad Museum of Antiquities, where thieves with chain saws cut apart ancient statues and scooped up thousands of priceless artifacts. A thriving market sprang up with foreign buyers feeding off local misery. That outrage was at least understandable; the burning of the National Library with its vast collection of ancient manuscripts was pure vandalism. American troops stood by and refused to intervene.

    “The State Department’s Future of Iraq Working Group had prepared a list of sites to be surrounded and protected by American forces. The list was passed to Undersecretary Douglas Feith of the Defense Department, but he did not communicate it to the American military command. The Museum of Antiquities was number two on the list. See Peter W. Galbraith, ‘How to Get Out of Iraq,’ The New York Review of Books, May 13, 2004.”

      ~ Polk, p. 172


  5. “What happened then stunned the American and British commanders: having wiped out the Iraqi army, they were unable to declare victory. Peace did not come. The war had taken on a new shape... Before the invasion, Iraq had lived for a decade under a grinding sanction program that stripped away the savings of the new middle class and caused them to sell their possessions to buy food and clothing. Despite their desperation, there was little robbery or violence. For all its many terrible aspects, the Baath regime had suppressed crime and banned firearms. When I [William Polk] visited Iraq on the eve of the American invasion, it was possible to walk anywhere day or night in complete safety. That would dramatically change. Part of the reason was that Saddam in October 2002 amnestied scores of thousands of prisoners. Most were political prisoners, but thousands were common criminals, including some who were being held for murder, rape, and armed robbery.”

      ~ Polk, p. 171


  6. “Then, in the chaos of the invasion, as the Iraqi army collapsed, they and many normally law-abiding but then distressed people broke into arsenals to seize supplies and weapons. As weapons were sold or passed out to relatives and friends, almost every Iraqi acquired an assault rifle; many acquired machine guns or even rocket launchers. The American Congress and public were not informed until eighteen months later, the end of October 2004, that a cash of 380 tons of powerful conventional explosives, particularly useful for car bombs and attacks on armored vehicles and aircraft, had been looted in April 2003. The ammunition dump, just thirty miles from Baghdad... was captured by American forces during the invasion but was then left unguarded. Failure to protect or destroy it certainly caused many American deaths.”

      ~ Polk, p. 171


  7. See: Richard Leiby, “The Day I Almost Led the Iraqi Army,” Salon, November 23, 2004.

  8. See: Woodward, Bob, State of Denial, Simon & Schuster, 2006.
    (New York Times book review by Franklin Foer).

    Ricks, Thomas E., Fiasco: The American Military Adventure in Iraq, Penguin Press, 2006. (New York Times book review by Michiko Kakutani.)

    Packer, George, The Assassins’ Gate: America in Iraq, Farrar Straus Giroux, 2005. (Salon book review by Gary Kamiya.)